By Pat Trevino, Cuero Online News

In a summer marked by heat advisories and political hardball, Texans might have missed a quiet but consequential shift in how law enforcement power is being centralized—and who it’s being aimed at.

On August 29, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) quietly reactivated a $2 million contract with Paragon Solutions, a controversial spyware vendor previously suspended under a Biden-era executive order. The company’s flagship tool, Graphite, can infiltrate phones, read encrypted messages, and track targets without their knowledge. It’s the same spyware that was found on the devices of Italian journalists, migrant advocates, and even associates of Pope Francis.

Paragon, once based in Israel, was bought last year by AE Industrial Partners, a U.S. investment firm that also owns REDLattice—a cyber intelligence company stacked with former CIA officials. That ownership shift may have technically satisfied federal restrictions, but it hasn’t satisfied civil liberties advocates. Senator Ron Wyden (D-Oregon) called the move “extremely concerning,” warning that ICE could use Paragon’s tools to “further trample on the rights of Americans and anyone who Donald Trump labels as an enemy.”

Here in Texas, the implications are even more direct.

Governor Greg Abbott has recently pushed for centralized control over radio interoperability purchases—those systems that allow sheriffs, police, and emergency responders to communicate across jurisdictions. While framed as a public safety upgrade, critics argue it’s part of a broader effort to consolidate state oversight of local law enforcement. When paired with Senate Bill 8, which now requires most Texas sheriffs to cooperate with ICE, the picture becomes clearer: rural counties are being wired into a surveillance and enforcement network that’s increasingly federalized, increasingly opaque, and increasingly aimed at immigrants.

Sheriffs in 234 of Texas’s 254 counties are now expected to check immigration status, hold inmates for ICE pickup, and share data with federal systems. That includes counties like DeWitt, where local jails could become de facto immigration hubs—without public debate, without clear oversight, and without guarantees that citizens won’t get swept up in the dragnet.

And that’s the heart of the issue: Who decides what counts as a threat?

While ICE and state officials pour millions into surveillance tools aimed at undocumented immigrants, the real and rising threat of white supremacist violence continues to erupt in our schools, churches, and neighborhoods. Just weeks ago, a gunman opened fire at Annunciation Catholic School in Minneapolis, killing two children and injuring 17 others. The shooter, Robin Westman, was a 23-year-old white man radicalized online. His weapons were scrawled with anti-Catholic, anti-Jewish, and anti-democracy messages. The FBI called it domestic terrorism.

This wasn’t an undocumented immigrant. This was a homegrown extremist, legally armed, driven by hate, and enabled by silence.

And yet, our surveillance dollars are chasing cooks, caregivers, and construction workers—while the real threats walk freely among us.

If the Governor succeeds in centralizing radio control, and if ICE continues deploying spyware like Graphite, rural communities could find themselves under a level of scrutiny once reserved for foreign adversaries. The tools are already in place. The partnerships are already signed. All that’s left is the political will to expand the definition of “threat.”

So, we ask again: Who decides?

Is it the migrant mother seeking asylum? Or the young man stockpiling weapons and fantasizing about mass murder?

Is it the undocumented roofer working in 110-degree heat? Or the shooter who livestreams his manifesto and walks into a church with a tactical belt?

If our leaders are serious about protecting Texans, they need to stop chasing shadows and start confronting the real danger: homegrown extremism, fueled by hate and cloaked in legitimacy.

Until then, rural Texans should pay close attention—not just to who’s being watched, but to who’s doing the watching.

Also Read: The Threat We Ignore: Why Texas Must Refocus on Domestic Extremism – The Voice of Cuero,Texas

False Narratives and Real Threats: What the Numbers Say About Crime, Immigration, and National Security – The Voice of Cuero,Texas

The Bill That Ends Anonymity: Why ‘Big Beautiful’ Might Be the Most Dangerous Law in America – The Voice of Cuero,Texas

Staff Writer | September 1, 2025

As of June 2025, the unemployment rate in DeWitt County, Texas was 4.9%, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. That figure is not seasonally adjusted and reflects the percentage of the civilian labor force that was actively seeking work during the reference period.

This rate is slightly above the statewide average for Texas, which was 4.0% in July 2025. For a rural county like DeWitt, fluctuations often reflect seasonal employment shifts, agricultural cycles, and changes in local industry.

Here’s a snapshot of how DeWitt County’s unemployment rate compares to its neighbors and historical trends:

📊 August 2025 Unemployment Rates

📈 Historical Context for DeWitt County

• Over the past decade, DeWitt’s unemployment rate has fluctuated between 3.5% and 6.2%, with spikes during economic downturns and dips during oil and ag booms.
• The current 4.9% is above average for the county and higher than both neighboring counties and the state average, suggesting some localized economic strain.

What This Might Reflect

• Industry shifts: If oilfield activity or ag employment has slowed, that could explain the uptick.
• Labor force changes: A rise in job seekers without a matching rise in job openings can push the rate up.
• Seasonal factors: Summer months sometimes show volatility due to school employment cycles and temporary work ending.

Here’s a concise look at DeWitt County’s unemployment trends over the past several years, based on data from the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis:

📊 DeWitt County Unemployment Rate: 2009 to 2025 -Year Snapshot

What This Tells Us

• The lowest point was in 2019, just before the pandemic.
• The highest spike came in 2020, with COVID-related disruptions.
• Since then, DeWitt has seen a slow but uneven recovery, with recent years showing signs of stagnation rather than growth.

🗳️ DeWitt County Guide: Jobs, Growth & Accountability

📍 What’s the Situation?

• Unemployment in DeWitt County is 4.9%—higher than neighboring counties and the state average.
• Key sectors like oil & gas, agriculture, and retail are struggling.
• Stable sectors like education, healthcare, and construction aren’t growing fast enough to absorb displaced workers.

🏛️ What Can Local Officials Actually Do?

✅ City Council & County Commissioners Can:

• Fund job training programs through partnerships with Victoria College or regional trade schools.
• Offer incentives (like tax abatements or fast-track permitting) to businesses that hire locally.
• Invest in infrastructure—especially broadband and transportation—to attract new industries.
• Support youth employment through 4-H, FFA, and summer job initiatives. (These groups rarely address marginalized communities.

🌟 Inclusive Youth Employment Strategies for Counties and Cities
1. Expand Access to Paid Internships & Apprenticeships
• Partner with local businesses, nonprofits, and municipal departments to offer paid, skill-building roles for teens.
• Prioritize outreach to low-income, BIPOC, and disconnected youth who may not have access to traditional networks.
2. Launch Community-Based Job Hubs
• Create job centers or pop-up career fairs in underserved neighborhoods, faith centers, and schools.
• Offer resume help, interview coaching, and direct job placement with local employers.
3. Support Youth Entrepreneurship
• Provide microgrants, mentorship, and business planning workshops for youth interested in starting small businesses—whether it’s lawn care, photography, baking, or tech services.
• Highlight success stories from diverse backgrounds to inspire participation.
4. Invest in Cultural and Creative Industries
• Fund programs in music, media, fashion, culinary arts, and digital storytelling—fields where youth from marginalized communities often thrive.
• Partner with local artists and creators to offer paid gigs and apprenticeships.
5. Build Bridges with Schools and Libraries
• Use schools and libraries as hubs for career exploration, especially for students not involved in FFA or 4-H.
• Offer after-school employment clubs, coding bootcamps, and civic engagement internships.
6. Tap Federal and State Funding for Equity Initiatives
• Use American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) funds or state workforce grants to create targeted programs for opportunity youth, including those who are system-involved, LGBTQ+, or English language learners.
7. Partner with National Equity-Focused Organizations
• Collaborate with groups like the NAACP, which advocates for equitable access to workforce development and wraparound services for marginalized youth.
• These partnerships can help counties design programs that reflect local racial and cultural realities, not just national templates.

Why It Matters

Local leaders can’t control global markets—but they can shape how DeWitt County responds. Smart investment, clear priorities, and honest communication are the foundation of a robust economy.

SOURCE: These recommendations draw from national and international research on youth employment, including work by the National League of Cities, NCSL, and the ILO.